“Naa Telangana koti ratanala veena”, said Dasaradhi Krishnamacharya. The lute was kept silent for 40 long years. But on 29th November 2009, Osmania University, which symbolizes the conscience of Telangana, resumed the symphony. The students of the university were lathi-charged when they were protesting the Government’s decision to forcibly end a declared fast-unto-death by K.Chandra Shekhar Rao, Telangana Rashtra Samithi President and Member of Parliament from Mahaboobnagar constituency. The huge police build-up, a day before, at the proposed site for the fast, at the TRS’ north Telangana Head Quarters in Karimnagar and all over Telangana in general, already made the students restive. The lathi-charge only added fuel to the flames! But every lathi-blow on students produced one single scream – JAI TELANGANA. Unintentionally, the police made the dormant lute active. Once again it reverberates, reverberates now to produce notes that signal the end of an experiment called Andhra Pradesh!!!

There are two popular interpretations for the word Telangana. One – Telangana is the distorted form of Trilinga + 'aane'. Trilinga symbolizing three famous Shiva pilgrim places – Srisailam(in Kurnool district), Draksharamam(in East Godavari district) and Kaleshwaram (in Karimnagar district) – and 'aane' meaning region. Two – Telangana emerged from ‘Telang’ or ‘Tilang’ + nadu. Telang or Tilang is how Muslim rulers called Telugu and nadu is an administrative unit. Hence, either way, Telangana is the ‘land where Telugus live’.

The formation of separate Andhra State gave stimulation to the demand for the creation of other linguistic states in India. Central government, in August 1953, decided to set up States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) under the Chairmanship of Fazl Ali. The three-member Commission also had H.N.Kunzru and K.M.Panikker as its members. After elaborate discussions with different organizations, individuals and leaders, SRC submitted its report in October 1955. One must understand Fazl Ali Commission’s report so as to understand why the experiment of Andhra Pradesh has been such a mess. The Commission favoured breaking up of Hyderabad state on the linguistic lines. Excerpts from the report:

“The advantages of a larger Andhra State including Telangana are that it will bring into existence a State of about 32 millions with a considerable hinterland, with large water and power resources, adequate mineral wealth and valuable raw materials. This will also solve the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra, the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.

“At the same time, we have to take note of the important fact that, while opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future.

“A further point to be borne in mind is that the State of Andhra was brought into existence only recently and has still not got over the stress of transition… Integration of Telangana with Andhra at this stage is, therefore, likely to create administrative difficulties both for Andhra and Telangana.

“After taking all these factors into consideration we have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana, if for the present, the Telangana area is to constitute into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the legislature of the residuary Hyderabad State expresses itself in favor of such unification.

“The advantage of this arrangement will be that while the objective of the unification of the Andhras will neither be blurred nor impeded during a period of five or six years, the two governments may have stabilized their administrative machinery… The intervening period may incidentally provide an opportunity for allaying apprehensions and achieving the consensus of opinion necessary for a real union between the two States. ”

Quite contrary to the SRC’s recommendation, the union Government succumbed to the pressures of leaders from coastal Andhra. There was intense politicking of forces fighting for separate Telangana state and those for merger of Telangana with Andhra. Political manipulations and behind the screen moves led to unexpected twists in Telangana history. Burgula Ramakrishnarao, Chief Minister of Hyderabad who was a strong advocate of separate Telangana state surprisingly gave consent in favour of the merger at the Chief Ministers’ conference held in New Delhi on October 22, 1955 and gradually forces insisting on unification gained strength. In such circumstances, as a last resort, an idea of safeguards was mooted by Telangana leaders so that the merger becomes conditional.

Gentlemen’s Agreement comprising 14 points was signed at Hyderabad House in Delhi on 20 February, 1956 by Bezawada Gopal Reddy (Chief Minister), Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy (Deputy Chief Minister), Gouthu Lachanna (Minister), and Aluuri Satyanarayana Raju (President, Provincial Congress Committee) from Andhra and Burgula Ramakrishna Rao (Chief Minister), Konda Venkata Ranga Reddy (Minister), Marri Chenna Reddy (Minister), J V Narsing Rao (President, Provincial Congress Committee) from Telangana. None of the promises were implemented except minor ones like the formation of Telangana Regional Committee in 1957. Every care was taken to make TRC toothless and all the recommendations of the TRC for development of the region were neglected.

In fact, the constitution of the ‘Gentlemen’ in self is a case to question. It is understandable that it included respective Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers from both regions. However, it is questionable why the chiefs of respective PCCs were chosen for this important Agreement. Let alone representatives of dozens of political and social formations from both regions, even the Leaders of Opposition in both state legislatures were not included. The issue of merger of two regions with crores of people was confined to Congress politicians alone. This casual and big-brotherly attitude of Congress party shows the scant respect it accorded to the real people’s aspirations. The ruling party seemed to restrict the integration to be an in-house affair only. And since the Congress treated the Agreement as its own internal matter, it could violate the Agreement without any compunction.

Due to historical reasons, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema got earlier access to irrigation, administrative centres, urbanization, industrialization, education and medical facilities than other regions. Therefore there would be time lag and other regions, in our case Telangana, require special focus, assistance and will to develop on par with developed regions. In modern times it is administrative policies that have significant role in bridging this gap. Access to modern facilities in a region juxtaposed with the lack of it in another region within the area ruled by a single government indicates relative and differentiated or discriminated importance of state policy. Newly educated sections and elite groups emerge from regions that have educational opportunities earlier than other owing to the development activities in general and proliferation of agricultural modernization leading to surplus and industrial opportunities. The former elites gain power to dominate in regions that have growth of elites at a later stage. Elite groups intervene in decision making processes, allotment of resources, formulation and implementation of policies, government jobs, and designing of development schemes to secure a larger share for their region at the cost of others. Already existing inequalities due to historical factors are thus perpetuated by intervention of the elites from developed regions.

And hence, violations started the very moment the promises were made and Agreements were signed. As per the Gentlemen’s Agreement, there should be a Deputy Chief Minister from Telangana if the Chief Minister happens to be from the coastal Andhra or Rayalaseema and vice versa. It is shocking to note that the very first government did not have a Deputy CM. N.Sanjeeva Reddy the first CM of the integrated Andhra Pradesh, who earlier worked as a Deputy CM in T.Prakasam’s government calls the post as ‘sixth finger’ (supernumerary finger) and hence redundant. Another provision is that two out of the following portfolios should be assigned to Ministers from Telangana: Home, Finance, Revenue, Planning & Development and Commerce & Industry. Desapati Srinivas of Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika (Telangana Intellectuals Forum) says, revealingly, that Home Ministry and Irrigation Ministry almost always had a Telanganite as Head. He alleges – ‘One (Irrigation Minister) sits there silently as a spectator, as the water that rightfully belongs to Telangana is diverted to coastal Andhra & Rayalaseema and the other (Home Minister) points the gun at those who question this!’

To safeguard the interests of the employees of Telangana region, Gentlemen’s Agreement spells out that there should be some kind of domicile rules in order to secure their rightful share i.e. 40% as per the population, in recruitment of services for Telangana region. This arrangement is just a continuation of already existing arrangement known as ‘Mulki Rules’. Mulki (a local) rules had come into force by a ‘firman’ of the Nizam in the erstwhile Hyderabad State in 1919. The rules debarred non-Mulkis from appointment to any superior or inferior service without specific sanction of the Nizam. In Urdu, ‘mulk’ referred to a nation and the residents were ‘Mulkis’. Mulki Rules were violated even before the Gentlemen’s Agreement and the formation of Andhra Pradesh. As early as in 1952, people of Hyderabad had revolted against ‘alien’ rule. Six students laid down their lives in the anti-non-Mulki agitation. However, after the integration of Telangana and Andhra states, non-Mulkis flooded into government service in Telangana. The government claimed the educational backwardness in Telangana made the filling of posts with qualified non-Mulkis and when steps were taken to expand education it was inevitable that a large number of non-Mulki teachers had to be imported in the first instance. This did not satisfy the Mulkis and the consequent resentment was so rife that in 1959, central government promulgated Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Rules - in accordance with The Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Act, 1957 - providing that 15 years continuous residence would be required for appointment to government jobs. But the Rules provided loopholes and false Mulki certificates were obtained in good scores. The influx of non-Mulkis never stopped. Another problem, as feared by the Fazal Ali Commission, surfaced due to hasty integration of administrative machineries of Andhra and Hyderabad states. Administrators at all levels in Andhra had been better qualified and less well paid than their equivalents in Hyderabad state. After the state formation, Hyderabadi employees were put on a lower salary scales than previously, their prospects of promotion impaired, a large proportion of the more important positions in Telangana were filled by people from coastal and Rayalaseema districts.