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The
re-launch of the Telangana movement announced by the Telangana
Political Joint Action committee (TJAC) has exposed the widening rift
between the action committee and TRS with the latter claiming that they were not consulted on the issue. However, TJAC chairman M Kodandaram on Monday denied any such rift and said they would conduct a meeting with TRS leaders soon on the issue. However, TJAC's unilateral decision to the re-launch the agitation seems to have not gone well with TRS supremo K Chandrashekar Rao. "TJAC did not invite the TRS for the meeting when the plans for the agitation were finalised. However, we appreciate their efforts to revive the separate Telangana agitation. The TRS politburo will take a decision on mode of its participation in the movement soon," said Etela Rajendra, TRS floor leader in the legislative assembly.
The latest political developments, which are apparently drawing the YSR Congress closer to the Congress because of which the announcement on Telangana might be put off, has made the TRS jittery and is actively considering reviving the agitation. "Reports of our differences with the TRS are baseless. We will invite all the political parties supporting the Telangana cause and the TRS will not be an exception. Since we are into preparatory works, we did not speak to the political leaders. We will do so subsequently," said M Kodandaram, chairman of TJAC.
The TJAC is planning to conduct a 'Chalo Hyderabad' protest on the lines of Tahrir Square agitation in Egypt on September 30. Kodandaram said the TJAC was trying to re-group its rank and file for the forthcoming agitation. A steering committee has been appointed to mobilize the support accordingly, meetings would be held in Hyderabad and Nalgonda on August 2 and 3 respectively.
Kodandaram said the preparatory works would continue till August 15 and the agitation would tentatively start on the independence day with activities like padayatra at district level that would culminate in Chalo Hyderabad on September 30.
"Going by the developments in Delhi, it seems we can no longer believe in the Congress and its promise made on Telangana. We are looking at launching a large-scale agitation in November," TRS MLA T Harish Rao told TOI on Tuesday.
The TRS had initially wanted to launch the agitation in September and had also planned for convening a meeting with the party leaders including politburo members, state committee members, MLAs and MPs in the last week of August to chart out the protest plan. However, with the party supremo K Chandrasekhar Rao claiming to be getting positive signals from Delhi on Telangana, the meeting and the agitation were called off. But the Telangana Political Joint Action Committee (T-JAC) went ahead and independently organised 'Chalo Hyderabad' march on Necklace Road on September 30.
KCR camped in Delhi between September 5 and October 3 and claimed to have held talks with the Congress leaders. The TRS chief, who issued a deadline of August 20 to the Centre to make an announcement on Telangana, extended the deadline to September-end, claiming the talks were still progressing. He later extended the deadline to October end, saying the government hoped to take decision on Telangana after the Dasara celebrations, following the cabinet reshuffle expected to come into effect by then.
Although the Congress high command is said to have favoured the cabinet reshuffle , the signals that TRS is getting from the national party on Telangana is reportedly not encouraging. After the pro-Telangana activists failed to come out with an effective strategy to obstruct the ongoing state-wide padayatra of TDP chief N Chandrababu Naidu, who entered the region on Monday without much resistance, the TRS is desperately in need of a plot to retain its claim on Telangana and re-launching the movement looks inevitable.
"We had already clarified that if the government gives away Telangana we would celebrate or otherwise we would agitate. Our stand is intact. We will wait up to October end, and if nothing positive comes out, we would launch the agitation. There is no question of keeping quiet," said B Vinod Kumar, a former MP and politburo member of TRS.
While the TJAC has planned protests across the region on the state formation day on November 1, participation of TRS in the protests could just be symbolic.
Finally breaking her silence on the controversy over covering of her statues and that of elephants in dalit memorials on the order of the Election Commission (EC), UP chief minister Mayawati on Sunday devoted much of her birthday speech to hit out at EC officials.
She said that EC's decision to cover statutes in dalit memorial built by her government was one-sided and unfair. Unlike the grand celebrations on her birthdays in previous years, this time the event was a low-key affair because of election code of conduct. However, Mayawati used the opportunity to launch her election campaign by declaring the list of candidates for the elections to be held in February.
Mayawati said that the elephants in dalit memorial are in welcome posture with their trunk upside while BSP's symbol is elephant with trunk down. The Commission deemed the elephants in the memorial to be BSP's symbol on the complaint of opposition parties without giving her party a chance to put its defence. She also said, when BSP lodged official protest with the EC, the latter has struck back by issuing a notice to the party with a threat to freeze BSP's symbol. She said that this reflects anti-dalit mindset of not only opposition parties, Central government but also of the people in the EC.
Regarding installation of her statues in dalit memorials, Mayawati said that it is as per the will of BSP founder late Kanshiram. "Mananiya Kanshiram ji wanted my statue on his side to be installed in dalit memorial," she said. Covering of statues and anti-dalit attitude of the opposition parties and the EC has filled dalits with anger in the state and they will give a befitting reply to everyone in the coming assembly elections.
However, with sarcasm Mayawati also said that the controversy generated by the EC's order on covering her statues and that of elephants in the dalit memorials has given huge publicity to her and her party's symbol. "We got publicity worth crores of rupees free of cost," she said. In a similar vein she thanked media of fanning the controversy. However, at a serious note, she said that EC should also clarify its stand on the park built on thousands of acres of land in Chandigarh, capital of Punjab, where Congress government has installed a huge memorial in the form of a 'revolving 45 feet tall hand weighing 50 tonne'. Congress' symbol is hand and Punjab is also going to poll, hence EC should also cover the hand installed in the part, she said.
"Also, the posture of the hand of many Hindu gods and goddesses is also similar to Congress's symbol. Many idols of Hindu gods and goddess have been installed in temples built by government and non-government organisations on government and non-government land," she said. "Similarly, lotus flower (BJP's symbol) is widely used by Hindus for worship. The flower is also used in poojas held at the inaugural ceremonies of many government programmes, hence EC should also clear its stand on the issue. Further, the election symbol of RLD is hand pump which has been installed all over the state with public money," she said.
Mayawati said that she has given tickets to clean candidates this time.
She said that EC's decision to cover statutes in dalit memorial built by her government was one-sided and unfair. Unlike the grand celebrations on her birthdays in previous years, this time the event was a low-key affair because of election code of conduct. However, Mayawati used the opportunity to launch her election campaign by declaring the list of candidates for the elections to be held in February.
Mayawati said that the elephants in dalit memorial are in welcome posture with their trunk upside while BSP's symbol is elephant with trunk down. The Commission deemed the elephants in the memorial to be BSP's symbol on the complaint of opposition parties without giving her party a chance to put its defence. She also said, when BSP lodged official protest with the EC, the latter has struck back by issuing a notice to the party with a threat to freeze BSP's symbol. She said that this reflects anti-dalit mindset of not only opposition parties, Central government but also of the people in the EC.
Regarding installation of her statues in dalit memorials, Mayawati said that it is as per the will of BSP founder late Kanshiram. "Mananiya Kanshiram ji wanted my statue on his side to be installed in dalit memorial," she said. Covering of statues and anti-dalit attitude of the opposition parties and the EC has filled dalits with anger in the state and they will give a befitting reply to everyone in the coming assembly elections.
However, with sarcasm Mayawati also said that the controversy generated by the EC's order on covering her statues and that of elephants in the dalit memorials has given huge publicity to her and her party's symbol. "We got publicity worth crores of rupees free of cost," she said. In a similar vein she thanked media of fanning the controversy. However, at a serious note, she said that EC should also clarify its stand on the park built on thousands of acres of land in Chandigarh, capital of Punjab, where Congress government has installed a huge memorial in the form of a 'revolving 45 feet tall hand weighing 50 tonne'. Congress' symbol is hand and Punjab is also going to poll, hence EC should also cover the hand installed in the part, she said.
"Also, the posture of the hand of many Hindu gods and goddesses is also similar to Congress's symbol. Many idols of Hindu gods and goddess have been installed in temples built by government and non-government organisations on government and non-government land," she said. "Similarly, lotus flower (BJP's symbol) is widely used by Hindus for worship. The flower is also used in poojas held at the inaugural ceremonies of many government programmes, hence EC should also clear its stand on the issue. Further, the election symbol of RLD is hand pump which has been installed all over the state with public money," she said.
Mayawati said that she has given tickets to clean candidates this time.
Tamil Nadu Governor K Rosaiah and Chief Minister Jayalalithaa led a host of leaders in extending greetings to people on the eve of harvest festival Pongal, which also marks the beginning of auspicious Tamil month 'Thai'.
"On the happy occasion of Pongal - the 'Harvest Festival' and Sankranthi, I extend my heartiest greetings and best wishes to the people living all over the country," Rosaiah said in a Raj Bhavan statement.
He wished that these festivals promote unity and harmony among people and usher in peace and prosperity. In her greetings, Jayalalithaa said she prayed the Almighty for all-round prosperity and said the festival reaffirmed the need for compassion and truth.
"To provide food to others before self is a divine characteristic. The farmers who are working with this motive fit that bill. Therefore my government is taking all steps to ensure their welfare," she said in a statement.
Unlike the previous year, this time Pongal will be celebrated as the harvest festival alone and not as Tamil New Year, as the Jayalalithaa government had reversed the previous DMK government move in this regard, fixing it to the month of Chithirai (April) according to the Tamil calendar.
However, DMK chief M Karunanidhi insisted that he would continue to celebrate Pongal as Tamil New Year day.
"The regime change has not only affected various schemes implemented by us but also stopped an initiative that was aimed at upholding the Tamil tradition," he said in response to ruling AIADMK's decision to shift the Tamil New Year to April.
In a party release, he extended his greetings to all on the occasion of Pongal.
DMDK founder and Opposition Leader Vijayakant, TNCC president BS Gnanadesikan, PMK founder S Ramadoss and BJP state unit president Pon Radhakrishnan also greeted the people.
"On the happy occasion of Pongal - the 'Harvest Festival' and Sankranthi, I extend my heartiest greetings and best wishes to the people living all over the country," Rosaiah said in a Raj Bhavan statement.
He wished that these festivals promote unity and harmony among people and usher in peace and prosperity. In her greetings, Jayalalithaa said she prayed the Almighty for all-round prosperity and said the festival reaffirmed the need for compassion and truth.
"To provide food to others before self is a divine characteristic. The farmers who are working with this motive fit that bill. Therefore my government is taking all steps to ensure their welfare," she said in a statement.
Unlike the previous year, this time Pongal will be celebrated as the harvest festival alone and not as Tamil New Year, as the Jayalalithaa government had reversed the previous DMK government move in this regard, fixing it to the month of Chithirai (April) according to the Tamil calendar.
However, DMK chief M Karunanidhi insisted that he would continue to celebrate Pongal as Tamil New Year day.
"The regime change has not only affected various schemes implemented by us but also stopped an initiative that was aimed at upholding the Tamil tradition," he said in response to ruling AIADMK's decision to shift the Tamil New Year to April.
In a party release, he extended his greetings to all on the occasion of Pongal.
DMDK founder and Opposition Leader Vijayakant, TNCC president BS Gnanadesikan, PMK founder S Ramadoss and BJP state unit president Pon Radhakrishnan also greeted the people.
The Girglani Commision’s Final Report, was handed over to the government on September 30, 2004. Four-and-a-half months later the Report was laid on the table of the Assembly on February 16, 2004. The only follow-up action that the government has taken is the nomination of a group of ministers and dispatching the copies of the reports to the departments at the Secretariat level. This explains the callousness and casual approach of the then Congress government, which promised in the poll manifesto on the eve of 2004 Assembly elections to implement the G.O No. 610 in letter and spirit.Except for the Home Ministry, all other ministries and departments have maintained stoic silence on the issue and not taken any action on the Girglani Commission report. TNGOs Union allege that as many as 60,000 non-locals from other regions are working in various departments in Telangana region in violation of Six Point Formula, Presidential Order and G.O No. 610(from 1975 onwards). The Joint Action Committee of Unions of Telangana Employees, Teachers and Workers puts the figure at two lakhs(from November 1, 1956). Girglani Commision did not endorse or disapprove these figures. But the fact that not even one-third of the 134- odd departments furnished data to Girglani Commission tells the gravity of the neglect and discrimination Telangana people were meted out. If all the departments had extended their full cooperation, the Commission would have brought to light startling facts on the injustice meted out to Telangana since the formation of Andhra Pradesh. The Commission has brought out as many as 150 different types of deviations or ‘maladies’ which have occurred over the years, covering the tenures of many regimes. Moreover, the Commission has given its findings and suggested appropriate remedial action for each specific deviation. The Commission has suggested that there should be a system of fixing responsibility and taking disciplinary action, including initiating criminal proceedings against the violators, in the case of deviations from the Presidential Order. Though the government approved the Report, its recommendations were never taken seriously to initiate any concrete action. Once again people of Telangana could not help but feel betrayed.
History of Violation and Broken Promises
“Naa Telangana koti ratanala veena”, said Dasaradhi Krishnamacharya. The lute was kept silent for 40 long years. But on 29th November 2009, Osmania University, which symbolizes the conscience of Telangana, resumed the symphony. The students of the university were lathi-charged when they were protesting the Government’s decision to forcibly end a declared fast-unto-death by K.Chandra Shekhar Rao, Telangana Rashtra Samithi President and Member of Parliament from Mahaboobnagar constituency. The huge police build-up, a day before, at the proposed site for the fast, at the TRS’ north Telangana Head Quarters in Karimnagar and all over Telangana in general, already made the students restive. The lathi-charge only added fuel to the flames! But every lathi-blow on students produced one single scream – JAI TELANGANA. Unintentionally, the police made the dormant lute active. Once again it reverberates, reverberates now to produce notes that signal the end of an experiment called Andhra Pradesh!!!
There are two popular interpretations for the word Telangana. One – Telangana is the distorted form of Trilinga + 'aane'. Trilinga symbolizing three famous Shiva pilgrim places – Srisailam(in Kurnool district), Draksharamam(in East Godavari district) and Kaleshwaram (in Karimnagar district) – and 'aane' meaning region. Two – Telangana emerged from ‘Telang’ or ‘Tilang’ + nadu. Telang or Tilang is how Muslim rulers called Telugu and nadu is an administrative unit. Hence, either way, Telangana is the ‘land where Telugus live’.
There are two popular interpretations for the word Telangana. One – Telangana is the distorted form of Trilinga + 'aane'. Trilinga symbolizing three famous Shiva pilgrim places – Srisailam(in Kurnool district), Draksharamam(in East Godavari district) and Kaleshwaram (in Karimnagar district) – and 'aane' meaning region. Two – Telangana emerged from ‘Telang’ or ‘Tilang’ + nadu. Telang or Tilang is how Muslim rulers called Telugu and nadu is an administrative unit. Hence, either way, Telangana is the ‘land where Telugus live’.
Fazal Ali Commission's Recommendations
The formation of separate Andhra State gave stimulation to the demand for the creation of other linguistic states in India. Central government, in August 1953, decided to set up States Reorganisation Commission (SRC) under the Chairmanship of Fazl Ali. The three-member Commission also had H.N.Kunzru and K.M.Panikker as its members. After elaborate discussions with different organizations, individuals and leaders, SRC submitted its report in October 1955. One must understand Fazl Ali Commission’s report so as to understand why the experiment of Andhra Pradesh has been such a mess. The Commission favoured breaking up of Hyderabad state on the linguistic lines. Excerpts from the report:
“The advantages of a larger Andhra State including Telangana are that it will bring into existence a State of about 32 millions with a considerable hinterland, with large water and power resources, adequate mineral wealth and valuable raw materials. This will also solve the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra, the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.
“At the same time, we have to take note of the important fact that, while opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future.
“The advantages of a larger Andhra State including Telangana are that it will bring into existence a State of about 32 millions with a considerable hinterland, with large water and power resources, adequate mineral wealth and valuable raw materials. This will also solve the difficult and vexing problem of finding a permanent capital for Andhra, the twin cities of Hyderabad and Secunderabad are very well suited to be the capital of Vishalandhra.
“At the same time, we have to take note of the important fact that, while opinion in Andhra is overwhelmingly in favour of the larger unit, public opinion in Telangana has still to crystallize itself. Important leaders of public opinion in Andhra themselves seem to appreciate that the unification of Telangana with Andhra, though desirable, should be based on a voluntary and willing association of the people and that it is primarily for the people of Telangana to take a decision about their future.
“A further point to be borne in mind is that the State of Andhra was brought into existence only recently and has still not got over the stress of transition… Integration of Telangana with Andhra at this stage is, therefore, likely to create administrative difficulties both for Andhra and Telangana.
“After taking all these factors into consideration we have come to the conclusion that it will be in the interests of Andhra as well as Telangana, if for the present, the Telangana area is to constitute into a separate State, which may be known as the Hyderabad State with provision for its unification with Andhra after the general elections likely to be held in or about 1961 if by a two thirds majority the legislature of the residuary Hyderabad State expresses itself in favor of such unification.
“The advantage of this arrangement will be that while the objective of the unification of the Andhras will neither be blurred nor impeded during a period of five or six years, the two governments may have stabilized their administrative machinery… The intervening period may incidentally provide an opportunity for allaying apprehensions and achieving the consensus of opinion necessary for a real union between the two States. ”
Quite contrary to the SRC’s recommendation, the union Government succumbed to the pressures of leaders from coastal Andhra. There was intense politicking of forces fighting for separate Telangana state and those for merger of Telangana with Andhra. Political manipulations and behind the screen moves led to unexpected twists in Telangana history. Burgula Ramakrishnarao, Chief Minister of Hyderabad who was a strong advocate of separate Telangana state surprisingly gave consent in favour of the merger at the Chief Ministers’ conference held in New Delhi on October 22, 1955 and gradually forces insisting on unification gained strength. In such circumstances, as a last resort, an idea of safeguards was mooted by Telangana leaders so that the merger becomes conditional.
Gentlemen's Agreement - Neither 'gentle' nor an 'agreement'!
Gentlemen’s Agreement comprising 14 points was signed at Hyderabad House in Delhi on 20 February, 1956 by Bezawada Gopal Reddy (Chief Minister), Neelam Sanjeeva Reddy (Deputy Chief Minister), Gouthu Lachanna (Minister), and Aluuri Satyanarayana Raju (President, Provincial Congress Committee) from Andhra and Burgula Ramakrishna Rao (Chief Minister), Konda Venkata Ranga Reddy (Minister), Marri Chenna Reddy (Minister), J V Narsing Rao (President, Provincial Congress Committee) from Telangana. None of the promises were implemented except minor ones like the formation of Telangana Regional Committee in 1957. Every care was taken to make TRC toothless and all the recommendations of the TRC for development of the region were neglected.
In fact, the constitution of the ‘Gentlemen’ in self is a case to question. It is understandable that it included respective Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers from both regions. However, it is questionable why the chiefs of respective PCCs were chosen for this important Agreement. Let alone representatives of dozens of political and social formations from both regions, even the Leaders of Opposition in both state legislatures were not included. The issue of merger of two regions with crores of people was confined to Congress politicians alone. This casual and big-brotherly attitude of Congress party shows the scant respect it accorded to the real people’s aspirations. The ruling party seemed to restrict the integration to be an in-house affair only. And since the Congress treated the Agreement as its own internal matter, it could violate the Agreement without any compunction.
In fact, the constitution of the ‘Gentlemen’ in self is a case to question. It is understandable that it included respective Chief Ministers and Cabinet Ministers from both regions. However, it is questionable why the chiefs of respective PCCs were chosen for this important Agreement. Let alone representatives of dozens of political and social formations from both regions, even the Leaders of Opposition in both state legislatures were not included. The issue of merger of two regions with crores of people was confined to Congress politicians alone. This casual and big-brotherly attitude of Congress party shows the scant respect it accorded to the real people’s aspirations. The ruling party seemed to restrict the integration to be an in-house affair only. And since the Congress treated the Agreement as its own internal matter, it could violate the Agreement without any compunction.
Due to historical reasons, Coastal Andhra and Rayalaseema got earlier access to irrigation, administrative centres, urbanization, industrialization, education and medical facilities than other regions. Therefore there would be time lag and other regions, in our case Telangana, require special focus, assistance and will to develop on par with developed regions. In modern times it is administrative policies that have significant role in bridging this gap. Access to modern facilities in a region juxtaposed with the lack of it in another region within the area ruled by a single government indicates relative and differentiated or discriminated importance of state policy. Newly educated sections and elite groups emerge from regions that have educational opportunities earlier than other owing to the development activities in general and proliferation of agricultural modernization leading to surplus and industrial opportunities. The former elites gain power to dominate in regions that have growth of elites at a later stage. Elite groups intervene in decision making processes, allotment of resources, formulation and implementation of policies, government jobs, and designing of development schemes to secure a larger share for their region at the cost of others. Already existing inequalities due to historical factors are thus perpetuated by intervention of the elites from developed regions.
And hence, violations started the very moment the promises were made and Agreements were signed. As per the Gentlemen’s Agreement, there should be a Deputy Chief Minister from Telangana if the Chief Minister happens to be from the coastal Andhra or Rayalaseema and vice versa. It is shocking to note that the very first government did not have a Deputy CM. N.Sanjeeva Reddy the first CM of the integrated Andhra Pradesh, who earlier worked as a Deputy CM in T.Prakasam’s government calls the post as ‘sixth finger’ (supernumerary finger) and hence redundant. Another provision is that two out of the following portfolios should be assigned to Ministers from Telangana: Home, Finance, Revenue, Planning & Development and Commerce & Industry. Desapati Srinivas of Telangana Vidyavantula Vedika (Telangana Intellectuals Forum) says, revealingly, that Home Ministry and Irrigation Ministry almost always had a Telanganite as Head. He alleges – ‘One (Irrigation Minister) sits there silently as a spectator, as the water that rightfully belongs to Telangana is diverted to coastal Andhra & Rayalaseema and the other (Home Minister) points the gun at those who question this!’
Mulki Rules' and Murkiness Rules
To safeguard the interests of the employees of Telangana region, Gentlemen’s Agreement spells out that there should be some kind of domicile rules in order to secure their rightful share i.e. 40% as per the population, in recruitment of services for Telangana region. This arrangement is just a continuation of already existing arrangement known as ‘Mulki Rules’. Mulki (a local) rules had come into force by a ‘firman’ of the Nizam in the erstwhile Hyderabad State in 1919. The rules debarred non-Mulkis from appointment to any superior or inferior service without specific sanction of the Nizam. In Urdu, ‘mulk’ referred to a nation and the residents were ‘Mulkis’. Mulki Rules were violated even before the Gentlemen’s Agreement and the formation of Andhra Pradesh. As early as in 1952, people of Hyderabad had revolted against ‘alien’ rule. Six students laid down their lives in the anti-non-Mulki agitation. However, after the integration of Telangana and Andhra states, non-Mulkis flooded into government service in Telangana. The government claimed the educational backwardness in Telangana made the filling of posts with qualified non-Mulkis and when steps were taken to expand education it was inevitable that a large number of non-Mulki teachers had to be imported in the first instance. This did not satisfy the Mulkis and the consequent resentment was so rife that in 1959, central government promulgated Andhra Pradesh Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Rules - in accordance with The Public Employment (Requirement as to Residence) Act, 1957 - providing that 15 years continuous residence would be required for appointment to government jobs. But the Rules provided loopholes and false Mulki certificates were obtained in good scores. The influx of non-Mulkis never stopped. Another problem, as feared by the Fazal Ali Commission, surfaced due to hasty integration of administrative machineries of Andhra and Hyderabad states. Administrators at all levels in Andhra had been better qualified and less well paid than their equivalents in Hyderabad state. After the state formation, Hyderabadi employees were put on a lower salary scales than previously, their prospects of promotion impaired, a large proportion of the more important positions in Telangana were filled by people from coastal and Rayalaseema districts.
HYDERABAD: The 56th formation day of Andhra Pradesh was marked by protests and black flag demonstrations in Telangana with almost all ministers from the region staying away from the celebrations. Telangana activists in various districts of Telangana hoisted black flags on government and private buildings in response to the call given by the Telangana Joint Action Committee (JAC) to observe 'betrayal day'.
Except two ministers from Hyderabad who were present at the main official function attended by Chief Minister Kiran Kumar Reddy in the state capital, all the ministers from Telangana stayed away from the celebrations. District collectors hoisted the national flag at the main functions held in every district headquarter amid tight security arrangements. Fearing violent protests by Telangana groups as in the last two years, the ministers and ruling party legislators did not participate in the celebrations.
There was tension in Warangal town as Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) legislator Vinay Bhaskar disrupted the celebrations attended by the district collector. He along with his supporters barged into the venue, removed the banner from the dais and uprooted the mike.
According to eyewitnesses, the legislator fell unconscious as police used force to disperse the protestors. Police arrested the TRS leader and shifted him out. In Adilabad town, rebel legislator of Telugu Desam Party (TDP) Jogu Ramana was arrested when he tried to disrupt the celebrations at police parade grounds.
Telangana activists also barged into government offices and hoisted the black flags in Khammam, Medak, Warangal and other districts. There were reports of clashes between protestors and police at some places.
The main official function at NTR Stadium in Hyderabad was held amid unprecedented security. The chief minister unfurled the national flag, reviewed the parade and distributed prizes among police and civil officials for their meritorious services. He addressed the gathering from behind a bullet proof podium, the first time that a chief minister has done so.
Hundreds of policemen and personnel from central paramilitary forces were deployed around the venue. Security personnel were also posted on high-rise buildings. Prohibitory orders were imposed around NTR Stadium to foil any attempt by Telangana protestors to disrupt elebrations. D. Nagender and Mukesh Goud, two of the three ministers from Hyderabad, attended the celebrations.
Telangana groups, fighting for separate statehood to the region, are observing formation day as 'black day' or 'betrayal day' to protest the merger of the region with then Andhra State on this day in 1956.
Telangana, part of erstwhile princely state of Hyderabad, was merged with Andhra State to form Andhra Pradesh, a state for Telugu speaking people with Hyderabad as its capital. Earlier on Sep 1, 1953, Telugu-speaking Rayalaseema and coastal Andhra areas of Madras State were separated to form Andhra State with Kurnool as its capital.
Telangana region, which comprises 10 districts including Hyderabad, is currently witnessing a movement for separate statehood. Telangana parties alleged that Andhra rulers betrayed the backward region by going back on all the assurances given at the time of merger.
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